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1776. 

( 


FOR CELEBRATING THE 


1876. 


Centennial Annivef^af^y 




OF AMERICAN SNDEPENDENCE. 






<»N THE 




Third AND FouRtH of July, 


1876, 


BY THE PEOPLE OF JERSEY CITY, 






WITH THE ORATION BY THE 




Hon. 


Charles H. Winfield. 




OF JERSEY CITY. 




W 


NEW YORK: 

R. MASON & CO., Stationers and Printers, 
IB New Church Street, 






187 6. 





1776. 



1876. 




FOR CELKHKATING THE 



Centennial Annivei\sat^y 



OF AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE, 



Third and Fourth of July, 1876. 



BY THE PEOPLE OF JERSEY CITY, 



WITH THE ORATION BY THK 



Hon. Charles H. Winfield. 



-7 



OF JERSEY CITY. 



1 




NEW YORK . 

W. R. MASON & CO , Stationers and Printers, 
IS New Cliureh Street, 

18 7 6. 



for the night of the Third of July will take place, and where, around 
the Liberty Pole, will be welcomed the dawn of the Fourth — the Cen- 
tennial Anniversary of American Independence. 

Civic associations and citizens generally, who desire to take part in th-e 
parade, will please confer with the marshal at once, that he may assign 
them positions in hne. 

There will be in the line a Landau, drawn by four horses, conveyifig 
his honor Mayor Charles Seidler, Mr. H. J. Hopper, and the chairman 
of the committee of arrangements. 

At 12 o'clock mid?iight the American flag will be raised on the liberty 
pole at the junction of Grand and Washi?igton streets, by his hotter 
Mayor Seidler; the flag to be saluted by the firing of thirty-eight ( 38 ) 
guns by Lieutenant Peter Ellers, of battery A. Hudson Coutity artil- 
lery; the singing of the " Star Spangled Batiner. " by H P. Banks, 
assisted by the entire audience, who are requested to Join in the chortis, 
atid an orchestra of sixty, the ringing of all the church bells in Jer- 
sey Citv, and the blowing of all the steatn whistles in the city and 
harbor. 

Oti the raisittg of the flag, there will also be a magnificetit display of 
pyrotechtiy, furtiished by Mr. J. G. Edge. 

Citizens on the line of march are respectfully requested to illuminate 
their dwellittgs tvhile the processioti is passing, and to decorate their 
grounds and builditigs. 



PART SECOND. 



E :a:ji ia.D rr-iiE s ^ 



TO) ii MtE=B AT eCEPLlK URLU 
Commencing at lO o'clock on the Morning of tlie 



hitrodiidion of His Excellency, Joseph D. Bedle, Governor of the 
State of New Jersey, ivho will preside^ assisted by one hundred 
Vice-Presidents and thirty-eii^hl Secretaries. 



VICE-PRESIDENTS. 



His Honor, Mayor Chas. Seidler, 

Ex-Mayor Henry Traphagen, 
Chas. H. O'Neil, 
James Gopsill, 
Orestes Cleveland, 
Wm. Clarke, 
C. Van Vorst, 
Jno. B. Romar, 
David S. Manners, 
Wm. Collard, 
Stephen D. Harrison, 
B. F. Sawyer, 
G. D. Van Reipen, 

M. M. Drohan, 

S. R. Halsey, 

S. W. Stilsing, 

L. A. Brigham, 

Jno. W. Pangborn, 

Hon. A. A. Hardenbergh, 
" Leon Abbett, 
" [no. R. McPherson, 



Doctor T. R. Varick, 

" Lutkins, 

" Morris, 

" Hunt, 

" Quimby, 

" Wm. A. Durrie, 
D. C. McNaughton, 
R. McCague, Jr. 
H. A. Greene, 
W. W. Shippen, 

B. G. Clarke, 
A. H. Wallis, 
A. Barricklo, 
H. R. Clarke, 
Louis A. Leinau, 
Wm. F. Taylor, 
J. L. Ogden, 
Henry J. Hopper, 
David Taylor, 

C. H. Murray, 
David Gregory, 



Hon. Robert Gilchrist, 
Sheriff P. H. Laverty, 
E. W. Kingsland, 
Thomas Earle, 
A. Q. Garretson, 
A. T. McGill, 
Jno. D. Carscallen, 
Wm. A. Lewis, 
Alderman John Case, Jr. 

" Jno. T. Van Cleef, 
" Henry A. Thomas, 

M. D. Tilden, 
" Lewis E. Wood, 

Ed. S. Smith, 
" Dennis McLaughlin, 
" M. Reardon, 
D. E. Soule, 
" C. Helms. 
" G. D. Mackey, 
lames R. Thompson, 
I. L Vanderbeek, 
James B. Vredenbergli, 
David Smith, 
Henry Lembeck, 
D. S. Gregory, {3d.) 
William Muirhheid, 
Jno. W. Harrison, 
C. C. Jewell, 
William IMcKean, 



Edward P. Eastwick, 

I. W. Scudder, 

E. F. C. Young, 

G. W. Barker, 

Lyman Fisk, 

H. A. Coursen, 

T. C. Brown. 

Benjamin Edge, 

Jno. B. Coles, 

n. Wood, 

H. A. Booraem, 

G. W. Edge, 

William W. Lee, 

George Gifford, 

H. M. Traphagen, 

Asa W. Fry, 

Jeremiah Sweeney, 

Henry Paitberg, 

F. O. Matlliiessen, 

Andrew Clerk, 

W. D. Hart, 

William Hughes, 

George Warren, 

L S. Long, 

Bennington F. Randolph, 

Charles Sommers, 

William Keeney, 

Thomas Edmondson, 

Arend Sleenken, 



SECRETARIES. 



Jno. E. Scott, 

E. W. Kingsland, Jr. 

Henry S. White, 

D. F. Smith, 

E. S. Norris, 
E. L. Nichols, 
C. Zabriskie, 

Z. K. Panghorn, 
Michael MuUone, 
Jno. P. Culver, 
G. S. Boice, 
A. M. Fuller, 
James S. Davenport, 



Johannes Lienau, 
( jeo. W. Conklin, Jr. 
Job Male, 
Robert C. Bacot, 
Peter Bentley, 
Titus B. Meigs, 
Richard C. Washburn, 
Lansing Zabriskie, 
W. Hogencamp, 
Joseph M. Brown, 
Daniel T. Hoag, 
H. N. Ege, 
Thomas E. Bray, 



M. H. Gillett, 
David L. Holden, 
Hiram Sigler, 
Peter Henderson, 
William Frost, 
Alexander Bonnell, 
Amadec Spadone, 
Hugh W. McKay, 
Jno. W. Wilson, 
George Glaubrecht, 
A. J. Ditmar, 
J. R. Halladay. 



2 invocation, bv the Reverend Wni. P. Cor bit. 

J. Song, ' "Hail Columbia, " bv Madatn Marie Salvotti and chorus. 

4. Reading of the Declaration 0/ Independence, bv Mr. C. H. BeJison. 

5. Song, ''The Star Spangled Banner," in' Mada>?i Salvotti and choru.<;. 

6. Oration bv the Honorable Charles H. Winfield. 

7. Song, ''Red, White (/nd Blue." Madam Salvotti and chorns. 

£?.. Benediction, bv the Reverend Richard M. Abercrombie, D. D. , Dean 
of Convocatioft of Neiv Jersey. 

i). Anthem. ''Mv Countrv 'tis of Thee," by the entire chorus. 

THE AUDIENCE IS INVITEU TO JOIN IN THE CHORUS OF EACH SONG. 

Governor Bedle, the clergvmen, orator, reader 0/ the Declaration of 
Independence, chairman of the committee of arrangements, members of 
the Board of Aldermen of Jersey City and other officials, iticluding 
Mayor Seidler., and the e.v-?navors of fersey City, tviih invited guests 
in open carriages, ivill be escorted to Kejder Hall, by the Fourth Regi- 
ment, National Guard, of the State of I\'eiv fersey. Colonel Dudley »?. 
Steele, commanding, and the police force of fersey City. 

Governor Bedle has ordered the Hudson County artillery ., under com- 
mand of Lieutenant Peter Filers, of Battery A, to fire a salute of 100 
guns on the ??iorning of the Fourth at sunrise; lOO at noon, and 100 
at sunset. 

The ladies of Jersey City are very respectfully invited to be present at 
the Kepler Hall ceretnotiies, and for their exclusive convenience and com- 
fort the entire suite of galleries ivill be reserved. 

Doors of Kepler Hall ivill be thrown open at S. JO o'clock A . M. 

Our citizens ^'are respectfully requested to illuminate their dwellings 
from S.JO to g.JO on the evening of the Fourth, and to display all 
the bunting within their means. 



Accompanist, 
Mr. C. H. UibBi.E. 



Coinitiilor . 
MR. S. I. ANDERSON. 



Solo Soprano, 
Mme. Marie Salvotti. 



Arnold, Miss Nettie, 
Abrahams, Mrs. E. S. 
Brown, Miss Anna, 
Barker, Mrs. I. B. T. 
Bassett, Miss J. F. 
Freebern, Miss Charlotte, 
Gaddis, Miss Lillie, 



Barker, Miss Marie, 
Mowe, Mrs. Millie E. 
Finlay, Mi.ss M. R. 
Gould, Mrs. C. W. 



CHORUS. 

SOPRANO. 

Kissam, Miss Mary, 
Insley, Mrs. H. A. 
Leake, Mrs. Thos. 
Meade, Miss Emily, 
McGown, Miss H. H. 
McGown, Miss M. A. 
McGown, Mrs. S. B. 
Rockwell, Miss Ray, 

CONTRALTO. 
Harrison, Mrs. S. E. 
Jaquins, Mrs. W. L. 
Love, Miss Maggie, 
Mabie, Miss E. 
Morton, Miss Marian W. 



Sprague, Mrs. C. G. 
Thatcher, Miss Carrie, 
Tragear, Miss Jennie, 
Tichenor, Miss Lizzie, 
Ward, Mrs. John W. 
Ward, Miss Carrie, 
Woodcock, Miss Estelle. 



Taylor, Mrs. J. D. 
Van Voorhis, Miss A. 
Veyrasset, Miss E. 
Whitehead, Miss Ida. 



Bennell, H. 
Brown, Wm. 
Hough, W. I. 
Howe, Reuben, 



Danks, H. P. 
Dey, W. T. 
Evans, John. 
(Gregory, D. S. 
Hood, Robert, 



Hardcastle, Mr. 
Insley, H. A. 
Ireland, John, 
Jones, E. R. 



Hough, W. I. 
Kidd, Jos. 
Kidd, Ben. 
Keenan, W. W. 
Magee, S. D. 



TENORE. 

Knowles, Samuel, 
Kerr, Wni., Jr. 
McGown, S. B. 
Rouse, Richard, 

BASSO. 

McGown, J. W. 
Mabie, C. W. 
Noon an, R. 
(^)uaife, Stephen, 
Reiflenstein. folin. 



Raireck, E. W, 
Tauzley, Wni. 
Williams, M. 



Sealey, J. K. 
Sprague, C. G. 
Ward, Jno. 1 1. 
Westervelt, K. 



The Grand Piano used on this occasion, has been kindly furnished by the makers, 
Messrs. Chickerinc. & Sons. 

Orchestral Accompaniment- Kaukk's Band, New York. 

F. G. WOI.BERT, 

Chairman Cotniiiitlee oj Arrangeiiwnts. 
Jersey City, June 30th, 1876. 





l//U^ 



Hon. C. H.WTNFIELD 



Delivered at Jersey City. 



JULY FOU RTH 1876 



" My very noble and approv'd good masters, 
Now attest, 
That those, whom you call'd fathers, did beget you ! 

Let us swear 
That you are woith your hreeCiiug." — Shol-espiarr. 



"All that augments liberty augments responsibility. Nothing is more grave than to be 
free : liberty weighs heavily, and all the chains that she takes from the body she binds upon 
the conscience; in the conscience law is turned inside out aud becomes duty."— //wyo. 



^ 



On motion of Flavel McGee, Esq., it was unanimously 

Resolved, That the orator be requested to furnish the manuscript 
of his oration for publication, and that the same be printed in pamphlet 
form with the programme of this Centennial Celebration. 



O RATI ON 



One Century gone ! In the diary of national life, how like yestes- 
day when it is past — so brief, indeed, that across the hundred years 
now closing, we can almost clasp hands with the fathers of the Repub- 
lic. We see the knit brow, the fire-flashing eye, the firm step, as the) 
move on to the great, solemn struggle. 

One Century gone ! When measured by events, how dim grows 
the distance; how far away in the past begins our history. The third 
of the Georges then sat upon England's throne, and his government 
had scarcely recovered from its fright caused by Wolfe Tone and his 
Irish rebellion. Catherine ruled the wild hordes of Russia, and dis- 
membered Poland yet quivered in the paws of the imperial tigers who 
tore her asunder. Frederick the Great sat upon the throne of Prussia 
and led her victorious armies. Not yet seven years of age was the boy 
who was to make playthings of crowns and write upon the page 
of history the names of Austerlitz, Jena, Eckmuhl and Wagram. 
Over the continent of Europe the "rights" of kings were firmly 
established, and if there were doubts as to the "divine" origin of 
those rights, the power to make good those doubts and shake those 
rights was wanting. Nowhere were the people in the dignity of man- 
hood. Nowhere had they broken the bonds of feudalism. Their 
whole duty was to do and die for the King, their lord. Night, deep, 
dull and starless rested upon the masses. Only in France the people 
began to show signs of impatience. But, alas, untaught to distin- 
guish liberty from licentiousness, when the day of their freedom 
dawned, it was only to behold the same despotism transferred from 
the King to the mob, and as much worse, as a herd of infuriated 
beasts is more dangerous than one. Here only, on this new con- 
tinent, uncursed by the despotism of feudal law, far removed from 
the tendencies of monarchical theories, were destined to be established 
a government and a nation unique in history. 

Properly to understand this government, let us enquire what man- 
ner of people settled these colonies, and what were the forces moving 
towards a government based on the fundamental principles of liberty. 



12 



It may be thought a solecism to observe that the same cause which 
built up the British power in America, overthrew it. In both instan- 
ces it was persecution. The Puritans of New England, the Quakers 
of Pennsylvania, the Catholics of Maryland, the Churchmen of Vir- 
ginia, and the Non-conformists of the Carolinas, cheerfully turned 
from home and kindred for the untrammeled exercise of their devo- 
tions, and the predominance of their religion. Some of these having 
encountered in its fiercest violence the fury of theological animosity, 
being alternately the instruments and the victims, abandoned the 
unavailing, unending struggle by voluntary migration. Some were 
banished by the interdictions of an illiberal government; others were 
proscribed by the conscientious bigotry of a tyrant, and sought a refuge 
from the rage of their persecutors, among the barbarians of this west- 
ern world. It matters not for the purposes of our argument that these 
people were not in all cases educated up to the divine standard ol 
religious toleration, that they could not in all cases endure opposition 
to their notions of the divine government, and the manner in which 
men may worship God. The practical lesson which, through cen- 
turies of religious oppression, the majority had taught, was, that the 
minority had no rights of conscience or independent thought, that 
they must worship in the manner and with the shibboleth prescribed 
by the majority, whether represented by caliph, king or priest. The 
principle of toleration — the denial of man's right, a right which the 
divine author of our religion never claimed for himself, to deprive one 
of his personal and political rights for the good of his soul — was to be 
learned and understood as the years went by. It appeared a self- 
evident proposition, as soon as the swaddling clothes in which their 
faith had been nurtured, became too small or too contemptible for 
further use. That time always comes to noble souls. 

Besides the religious, there were political causes which contributed 
to the settlement of these colonies. From the animosities, factions 
and civil wars which distracted Great Britain, was produced a resolute 
and enterprising race. Of these some were unsuccessful in rebellion, 
and fled from the vengeance of the laws ; others voluntary migrated 
because of their devotion to liberty. 

Then came those who pined in homeless poverty, caused by the 
laws of primogeniture, adverse fortune, or the exactions of rapacious 
governments. Not a few of the immigrants were filled with an honor- 
able ambition and a restless spirit. They were conscious of merit, 



13 



which entitled them to something else than the inferiority to which 
they were doomed at home. They wearied of the obscurity to which 
they were oppressed by wealth, by birth, by the influence of privileged 
orders, and by the stratagems of dishonorable competition. Impelled 
by these several causes, they came to America with all the attributes 
of freemen, and under the sanction of that eternal privilege which 
nature has conferred on the human race. They departed, because 
their happiness required it, from the land in which accident and not 
choice had determined their birth. They brought with them the tree 
of liberty which they planted in this virginal soil. Many times since 
have its roots been watered with the blood of the brave, and the good 
and the true. May it be many Centennials hence before one leaf of 
that goodly tree shall wither. 

Such was the general character of the primal immigration to these 
shores. The colonies were the common asylum, into which was 
thrown by the alternate waves of persecution, revolution and faction, 
the best and the bravest. The bigoted republican and the adherent 
of the murdered king met on an equal footing. The persecutor found 
a refuge among the victims of his persecution. The Catholic was 
associated with the Huguenot, the Puritan with the Quaker, the pious 
divine with the inexorable fanatic. 

By people of such character, filled with such spirit, animated by 
such motives, possessing the integrity of such an origin and impelled 
to emigration from such principles, the foundations of the edifice were 
laid deep and solid, its superstructure substantially built. Led to ex- 
patriation from the affections and endearments of their native land 
for the love of liberty and piety to heaven, they came to these wilds to 
rear a home for themselves and their posterity. In this their success 
was wonderful. In the short period of a century and a half, the thir- 
teen colonies together reached the rank of an empire. Wealth accu- 
mulated and population increased, so that they became no insignifi- 
cant portion of the British realrn. Uncorrupted by the delicacies of 
older societies, remote from the festering influence of cities, compelled 
to face the dangers and toils of a new country, felling forests where 
civilized man had not yet mingled his discordant voice with the har- 
monies in which virginal nature was adoring the Lord, subjecting the 
untamed soil to agriculture, they acquired a sense of personal dignit)' 
and an impatience of other than domestic control. Thus nurtured 
they offered at the altar of liberty their richest oblations. Luxury, 



14 



wealth, and the refinements of older civilizations enervate : poverty 
and the struggles for livelihood in a new country ennoble. In the 
goblet of gold Thyestes drinks the blood of his son: from the cup of 
earth Fabricius pours his libations to the gods. 

Not only the causes of their migration hither and the early struggles 
for existence after their settlement, but there were other influences 
which were directly instrumental in building up the colonists to the 
stature of perfect men. Their long struggles with the crown for the 
rights and liberties of Englishmen had made them jealous of even 
apparent encroachments. Their frequent and successful wars with 
the Indians and French, the burden of which in toil and sacrifice 
they and not England had borne, led them more highly to estimate 
their strength and appreciate their resources. Notwithstanding the 
loss of many thousands of their best citizens and a debt of many 
millions in these wars, wealth and population rapidly increased. 
Sturdy emigrants poured in from the Old World, penetrated the 
forests even beyond the AUeghanies and into the valley of the Ohio, 
settlements sprung up everywhere, trade revived, cities grew into im- 
portance, everything betokened and the colonists hoped for a pros- 
perous future. They now saw the day near at hand when they 
were to enjoy the fruits of their toil, struggle and sufferings. The 
French had been driven beyond the Mississippi, the savages had been 
subdued, the wounds of many conflicts were healing, prosperity and 
happiness were everywhere apparent, and lo ! England, true to her 
ancient role, entered the lists as the oppressor; the mother became 
the persecutress of the daughters As oppression had been the initial 
cause of building up this portion of the British Empire, so now op- 
pression was to be the cause of its severance from that Empire. The 
children were not less opposed to tyranny than the fathers had been. 
They fled from it to rear their homes in the wilderness; these would 
not fly but defend. In the days of the exiled fathers 

" The sounding aisles of the dim woods rang 
To the anthem of the free." 

The children had not forgotten the music, nor had they degenerated 
either in the power of the arm or valor of the soul. 

True, the colonists were bound to Great Britain by the executive 
sovereign being the same over both. They and the mother country 
were members of the same empire united together in the same head; 
but they were not and never had been represented in Parliament. 



15 



Each colony had its own legisl; ture, equal in sovereignty and power 
to the parliament of Great Br tain — neither body had the right to 
legislate for, nor assume domination over the other. Hence, when in 
March, 1764, the House of Commons resolved that "Parliament had 
a right to tax America," the reply was, taxation without representation 
is tyranny. If in England the King cannot raise money by taxation 
without the consent of- Parliament, neither can he here without the 
consent of our legislatures. It is illegal to subject us to taxation 
without the consent of our leg slatures, in which only we are repre- 
sented. If we are taxed by a body in which we are not represented, 
we are slaves. 

This style of argument was not to the liking of the majority of 
British statesmen, though Lord Chatham had given it this endorse- 
ment: *'The people of America represented in their assemblies, have 
inviolably exercised this constitutional privilege of granting their own 
money; they would have been slaves if they had not enjoyed it." 
Their answer was the Stamp Act, the Quartervig Act. the imposition 
of duty on tea, and other articles, the establishment of custom houses 
to collect these duties, regiments of soldiers to enforce the law, and 
the proposition to send all offenders to England for trial. These and 
other acts, and the resistance which they aroused, caused great ex- 
citement and intense bitterness. As to the popular feeling on the 
other side. Dr. Franklin observed: "Every man in England seems to 
consider himself as a piece of a sovereign over America, seems to 
jostle himself into the throne with the King, and talks of our subjects 
in the colonies." To this spirit the colonists offered a manly and dig- 
nified opposition and warning. They substantially adopted the 
address of Massachusetts: "Let our governments live, let our patents 
live, let our magistrates live, so shall we have further cause to say from 
our hearts, let the king live forever." They loved the old land of their 
fathers, but they loved their own land more, and since in that land 
they had tasted the sweets of liberty, they were ready to defend it. 
They were the champions of liberty, not fomentors of revolution — 
those ominous birds which with their cries and scieams herald in the 
tempest that soon sweeps them out of sight forever. They had no 
desire to dissolve their allegiance to the crown. They shrank Irom 
taking the final step, which they characterized as the last blow of 
agonizing affection. In the language of the New Jersey Provincial 
Congress, they humbly implored the "divine favor in presiding over 



16 



and directing their councils towards the re-estabHshment of order, and 
harmony between Great Britain and her distressed colonies." 

As Englishmen they felt a just pride in the glory of the old England 
of their fathers. By preserving the rights of freemen, and with un- 
shackled industry developing the resources of the continent, thev 
hoped to advance the power and glory of the fatherland. They desired 
to be a free and great people together. But all their patience and 
efforts to this end were in vain. The king and his counsellors were 
blind. The decrees of Omniscience must be accomplished. The 
hour had come when the blow must be struck, or they become victims 
through their own inaction. We have already seen that they were 
not unprepared. The soul that loves liberty is ever ready. Like 
Minerva they stepped forth in full panoply. They shook off their alle- 
giance and formed governments for themselves. As an example to 
show how fitly these governments were framed, and how well adapted 
to the wants of the people, the Constitution of New Jersey,^ adopted 
before the Declaration of Independence, remained the fundamental 
law of the State until 1844. And I am free to confess that the pre- 
sent constitution, with its recent tinkering, is not an improvement 
that justifies much boasting. 

The struggle which ensued, the seven long years of conflict be- 
tween the veteran legions of England and the mercenaries of the 
Continent on the one side, and the hasty recruits from the farm, the 
workshop and the various paths of peaceful life on the other, was 
bloody and burdensome. Judged by Napoleonic rule the conflict was 
unequal, for the heavy battalions were with the enemy. "The 
strength of Great Britain, can in a good cause,'' said Lord Chatham, 
" crush America to atoms." But they fought to establish a wrong, 
the Colonies fought to uphold a right ; they fought to enslave their 
brethren, these fought to maintain their birth-right, and justice in a 
(juarrel provides an armor more complete than steel. 

At this point we open a new chapter in our history. The war was 
over, peace had come, and then — what ? Mutual danger was no 
longer the bond of union. The articles of confederation were as 
inefficient in peace as they had been inadequate in war. The 
crown was trampled in the dust, and the people wanted no other. 
A republic was what they required. But thirteen republics then 
in existence, and visions of others stretching far away over the 
Continent, jostling each other in their conflicting interests, were 



17 



incapable of endurance. At the best could one be formed having 
the prospect of stability ? The union of the revolution had passed 
away with the danger that created it. The union of the confedera- 
tion was daily growing weaker, weaker. As the weakness increased 
discord from indifference or conflicting interests crept in. The 
fabric raised in the hour of mutual danger, for mutual protection, 
was crumbling. The com.mon fate of popular governments seemed 
to be rapidly approaching. Already the union was entering the val- 
ley of the shadow. Anxiously our fathers asked of the past, wheie 
are the many republics which have heretofore existed ? The reply 
came out of the gloom, fallen, fallen ! and their wrecks lie bleach- 
ing upon the shores of time. A priest sits upon the ruins of the 
Roman Senate, and the crescent waves over Sparta and the other 
Grecian states. 

But the men who had been brave in battle, were wise in peace. 
They were competent to save what they had been able to win. 
Hence, from their deliberations came forth the Constitution of the 
United States, the fundamental law of a federative republic — an in- 
strument so perfect that the piety of the ancients would have ascribed 
it to the gods. Adapted alike to the smallest state and the largest 
continent, the wisdom of the fathers therein shines with wonderful 
lustre. I have sometimes doubted if they did not build better than 
iheyknew. But the past was before them, and the experience of pre- 
vious republics — how sad had they been — provided conclusive and 
sacred lessons. From these experiences cropped out boldly the im- 
portant truth that, "a sovereignty over sovereigns, a government over 
governments, a legislation for communities as contra-distinguished 
from individuals, as it is a solecism in theory, so in practice, it is 
subversive of the order and ends of civil prolity, by substituting violence 
in place oi' /aw, or the destructive coercion of the sword in place of the 
mild and salutary coercion of the magistracy.'' 

By the middle and safer course they avoided the weakness and 
consequent earl\ decay of a confederation and the despotic tendencies 
of national unity. The weakness of all confederations lies in the want 
of coercive power, either to command respect abroad or insure tran- 
quility at home. The danger of national unity lies in the centralizing 
tendencies of power, and the corresponding oppression of the people. 
A confederation operates upon communities, not upon individuals. 
Consequently there is no punishment for infiactions cf the fundamen- 



18 



tal law, except the punishment of the sword. This, of course, means 
war, the suspension of all law, and the establishment of right as un- 
derstood by the strongest. National unity gives greater means of 
encroachment upon personal liberty. Both systems have their dan- 
gers, and our early statesmen, like skilful pilots did not fall into 
Charj'bdis while they shunned Scylla. 

What was this middle course which avoided the vices and em- 
bodied the virtues of both systems. It was to make a national unity 
as to the exterior or foreign affairs of the country, and to restrain the 
States within their proper spheres, and retain the State governments 
as to interior or domestic affairs. Within the Union the powers of 
the general government are free and simple, the powers of the State 
government are many and varied. One flag waves over, and one 
power shields the citizen in whatever part of the world he may be. 
The national part of our existence is pledged to that. In our homes, 
in our business we are protected by the State in which we or our 
business may be. The State is our family, our home government, 
the protector of our household gods. The power of the general gov- 
ernment goes with us upon the ocean, through all lands, the flag is its 
symbol. It slumbers not. neither does it sleep. As the mountains 
are round about Jerusalem, so is the power of the United States — one. 
from many — round about every one of its citizens. Let a foreign power 
illegally lay its finger upon him, the pain is felt throughout the whole 
country. Let a State illegally lay its hand upon him, from the State 
alone, ordinarily must come his redress. 

From Washington's standpoint, the attempt at such a government 
was an experiment. Yet listen to his hopeful words : " Is there a 
doubt, whether a common government can embrace so large a sphere ? 
Let experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation in such a case 
were criminal. We are authorized to hope, that a proper organization 
of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of governments for the respect- 
ive subdivisions, will aff'ord a happy issue to the experiment.' It is 
worth a fair and full experiment." 

Then the settled portion of our country was upon the Atlantic slope 
from Maine to Georgia, (i.) The Mississippi was the western boun- 



(i) The main line of settlements ran looo miles along the coast, from the mouth 
of the Penobscot to the Altaniaha, with an average extent inland of from loo to 250 
miles. A few pioneers had made their homes in the Ohio valley; there were two 
or three pitches of settlement in Kentucky; there was a village in Indiana, and 



19 



clary. (2) The population numbered less than 3,000,000, (3) and 
there were thirteen States. For this population, and to that territory 
the government was adapted. Now, from the lakes to the gulf, from 
the artic to the tropics, our domain has widened. (4) The Stales 
have increased to thirty-eight, and there are more to come. Our 
population numbers more than 40,000,000. (5) Yet the same gov- 
ernment, under the same constitution is over all, with as little strain as 
over the small beginning. And if in the future the flag should wave 
over additional possessions, taken from Canada or Mexico, our sys- 
tem will send to those extremities the same warmth and vitality. Why.' 
Because each State attends to its own affairs, develops its own resour- 



another in Michigan, and there were bands of adventurous spirits as far West as 
Illinois. The area covered by population in 1790 was 239,935 square miles. 

(2) This gives a little in excess of 800,000 square miles. 

(3) The first census in 1790 showed a population of 3,929,214, including 757,208 
slaves. At the breaking out of the Revolution, the estimated population was 
2,250,000, besides 500,000 slaves. 

(4) The Louisiana purchase in 1S03, supplemented by the Oregon treaty of 1846, 
added 1,171,931 square miles to the national domain; the Spanish cession in 1819, 
embraced 59,268 square miles; the annexation of Texas in 1845, the treaty of Guad- 
alupe Hidalgo in 1848, and the Gadsden purchase in 1853, brought in 967,45 1 square 
miles, and finally, Mr. Seward's Alaska investment, mvolved the acquisition of 
500,000 square miles. The total area is now 3,603,844 square miles, or 1,942,000,000 
acres, one half of which are public lands. In surface extent three nations surpass 
the United Stales — the British, Chinese and Russian empires. 

(5) The Chinese empire in 1870, had 477,500,000, the British empire 174,200,000, 
the Russian empire 76,500,000, the German empire 40,200,000, the United States 
38,558,371. The average increase in the aggregate population since 1870, in the 
fifteen States in which a census has been taken, is sixteen per cent., and at the 
same rate of increase, the total population in 1875, would be 44,675,000, while that 
of the German empire, according to the recent census, is 42,757,812. During sixty 
years, (1800-60) the population of the United States increased 593 per cent., that 
of England and Wales 121 per cent., and that of France 37 per cent. The great 
factor of the marvelous growtli of our population has been immigration. Annexa- 
tion has contributed but very little. The purchase of Louisiana, Florida, California 
and Ne\^ Mexico, brought in less than 150,000 inhabitants, and the acquisition of 
Texas and Oregon, merely restored to citizenship those who had emigrated to the 
United States. The total number of immigrants from 1820 to 1873, was 8,808,141, 
of whom 2,907,565 were from Ireland, and 2,663,437 from Germany. About 60 
per cent., after deducting women and children, were in the prime of life, 46 per cent, 
were trained to various pursuits, and 10 per cent, were traders. 

It has been estimated that if the fusion of elements were complete, of lOO drops 
of American blood, 25 would be Anglo-Saxon, 27 German, 2 Dutch or Scandina- 
vian, 30^ Celtic, 3 Romanic, and I2^ uncertain. 



20 



ces, makes and executes its own laws, which it adapts to the peculiar 
character of its own people, their industries and occupations, (6) 
protects its own citizens, and educates its own children. (7) 

It is a fact worthy of heed in the science of legislation, that the 
same laws cannot be successfully adapted to a great extent of territory, 
embracing within its bounds different zones. Different climates re- 
quire different laws. It would be a difficult task, and useless if prac- 
ticable, to bring the quick, impulsive inhabitants of a southern clime 
and the cold, calculating inhabitant of the north, under the same 
domestic laws. Under our system such an attempt is unnecessary. 
There is one code for Maine, another for Louisiana, another for 
California, all as diverse as are the temperaments and pursuits of the 
people, yet all acting in harmony with the greater central law — the 
Constitution of our common country — as the planets revolve in their 
own spheres, obedient to their several laws, yet all in harmony with 
and obedient to the superior laws of the central power. When be- 
fore in the history of human institutions for the government of man 
has such a scheme been devised ? When before has a government 
been able, with such ease and naturalness, and adaptability to extend 
itself over such vast domains and diverse interests, and yet reniain a 
government of the people .'' It is a duty we owe to the past and to the 
future, to ourselves and to posterity to stand by the principles of our 
government and constitution with firm fidelity. "Bind them for signs 
upon your hands that they may be as frontlets between your eyes ; 



(6) During the colonial period the principal occupations were liusbandry, lum- 
bering, trading, hunting and fishing. One third of the labor of the country was 
employed in timber cutting. According to the last census nearly 6,ooo,coo are 
engaged in agricultural pursuits, 1,200,000 in trade and transportation, 2.700,000 
in manufacturing and mining, and 2,6000,000 in professional life, and there are 
43,000 clergymen, 40,000 lawyers, 62,000 physicians, 126,822 teachers, 2,000 ac- 
tors, 5,200 journalists, 1,000,000 laborers, and 975,000 domestic servants. Alex- 
ander Hamilton's dream of the diversity of human industry in the New World has 
come to pass. 

(7) In 1776 there were nine colleges in the colonies, six of which had been open 
only 30 years. In 1875 degrees were conferred by 374 colleges, and there were 
in addition 106 schools of law, medicine and theology and five colleges for women. 
There has been a strong reaction against sectarian colleges; Harvard and Cornell 
are now classed among the opponents of the system, and State Universities have 
been established in Wisconsin, Michigan, Iowa, Minne.sota, California and el.se- 
where. The American people to-day are more generally educated than the 
French, the English or the Italian nations, but in higher education they are behind 
Europe. — A', V. Tribune. . 



21 



teach them to your children, speaking of them in your homes, when 
walking by the way, when lying down and when rising up; write them 
upon the door-posts of your houses, and upon your gates ; cling to 
them as to the issues of life ; adhere to them as to the cords of your 
eternal salvation." 

Within the walls of ancient Troy was preserved the palladium 
which had descended from heaven. It was the popular faith, that as 
long as that sacred image remained in the city the Trojans would 
triumph over all enemies who might sit down before their gates. In 
vain for ten long years did the Greeks besiege that city. The image 
remained within and its guardians could not be conquered. But 
owing to the long watches of the siege, those guardians became negli- 
gent, and in the night while they slept upon their posts, two adven- 
turous enemies scaled the walls, seized the palladium and carried it 
to the Grecian camp. The city was then doomed. It soon fell be- 
fore its victorious foes. 

The Constitution is our palladium. It need not be ascribed to a 
miraculous origin in order to command our reverence. There is no 
occasion for us to look upon it with superstitious awe. Its simplicity 
and effectiveness are sufficient to ensure our respect. While its prin- 
ciples abide in our hearts, in our patriotic affections, be assured the 
country is safe. If the Constitution is our palladium, and if the 
citadel where it abides is safe only so long as it remains, then in the 
name of centennial memories, by the hopes that gild the clouds of 
the future, by our duty to those who from the dark places of despot- 
ism are holding up their manacled hands and asking us, ''Watch- 
men what of the night, when cometh the morning.?" guard it with 
a watchful eye. Sleep not upon your posts. The enemy is before 
your gates. Watch for the coming of the foe. He will come in the 
shape of amendments in times of great political excitement. He will 
come in the shape of false construction. He will come in the shape of 
slight infractions from necessity. He will come in the shape of silent 
encroachments. He will come in the shape of indifference to some 
and of corruption to others. Smite them all, for they come from the 
camp of the Greeks to steal away the protector of our liberties. 

It is proper, however, while celebrating the historic deeds which 
formed the great Republic, to indulge in a little sober self-criticism. 
It is sometimes quite as beneficial to dwell upon our faults as upon 
our virtues. He is a safer guide who points out the pitfalls in our 



22 



path, than him who neglecting these dangers descants about the 
glories of the heavens. Especially may we all be candid in our re- 
flections when we consider that this is the last centennial at which 1 
shall speak, or you honor me by listening. Permit me then, in a 
plain way to speak of a few faults, which like filthy weeds, have sprung 
out of this rich soil. These few, and considering the many that exist, 
are they not a few.? are such as in my humble judgment, are destruc- 
tive of all good government. 



I. — Newspapers. 

One just cause of alarm to every reflecting man is the fait, that the 
public press of the country has, in part, forgotten its principles, its 
duty, its high destiny. During the revolutionary period it was a 
powerful aid in throwing off" the yoke of the mother country. It is 
now, if properly conducted, better calculated to perpetuate what it 
was so largely instrumental in establishing. More powerful than 
the pulpit or the rostrum in that its audience is larger, and its 
addresses are more frequent and lasting, its obligations to the 
country are correspondingly great. Yet how are these obliga- 
tions discharged.? Does it elevate the taste, develop the intellect, 
strengthen the morals, build up the public virtue, deepen the patriot- 
ism or better the condition of the masses ? To say nothing of more 
substantial publications, many newspapers, which some would blush 
to admit into their housholds, are scattered like mildew over the 
land. They enervate the mind by the miserable pabulum doled out daily 
to their readers. They fall upon virtue and vice grows in its place. 
They flutter before the young man as he steps from the home of his 
childhood, for life's rugged battle, "rejoicing as a strong man to run 
a race," and he becomes a nerveless debauchee or hardened criminal. 
With indecent pictures and more indecent text, they have become the 
enemies of mankind, more pestilential than the fever breeding purlieus 
of our cities, more to be dreaded than the robber, more inimical to 
liberty, social order and good government, than the plotter of treason. 
This is our legislative estimate of them, for, passing by other crimes 
either at common law or by statute, it is made the duly of the judge, 
at each term of our courts, to call the attention of the grand jury to 
them. 



23 



The inferior order of our political papers, cater to the most debased 
passions of human nature. They deal without stint in scandal, per- 
sonal abuse and-vituperation. Fattening upon monies drawn from 
municipal and State treasuries, for useless advertisements; they arc 
always ready to make a saint or a hero of any one who contributes to 
their sustenance. Seizing upon the most airy rumor set afloat by 
gossipping men — "Ay, in the catalogue they go for men," — they 
metamorphose it into a monster, to terrify the world. No man 
is too high, none too low, to escape the attacks of these Ishmaelites. 
The most innocent actions and the purest intentions of our best 
men, are called in question. The faith of the people in those occu- 
pying official positions, is undermined, until, as the result of their 
teaching, we have become a nation infidel to ourselves, infidel to the 
cause of good government, infidel to the safeguards of liberty. When 
owls fly abroad and frighten people with their hootings, birds of finer 
mould, children of the sunlight, wait for the coming of the dawn. 
So the direct tendency of such publications is to drive the good and 
the pure from public life. Is it not so.? Do not understand me to 
condemn just and discriminating criticism upon officials and their 
public acts. This is always a duty and tends to promote a salutary 
administration of public aflfairs. Such criticism merits approbation, 
but it is not of such that I am speaking. As a result of the teaching 
of these papers, do not the unthinking portion of the community 
rather believe evil than good of our public men; especially if they be 
of opposite political views. These papers inoculate their readers with 
the belief that the opposite political party can do nothing right, their 
own party can do nothing wrong. Under such teachings unfit men 
come to the surface, knowing that these papers have already smoothed 
their way, by stifling all honest criticism within the lines of their own 
party. When the people are thoroughly educated down to this stan- 
dard there will be no reward for integrity and public virtue, no pun- 
ishment for dishonesty and vice. Let the candidate be good or bad, 
the party organs join in the same hymn of praise. What is the result .? 
The century ends, leaving behind a carnival of bad men, a rogue's 
holiday, a merry dance of savages around their victim, the Republic. 
For legitimate journalism there can be nothing but words of praise; 
but for that base born thing, which saps the foundation of morals, 
destroys the faith of the people, turns liberty into licentiousness, lifts 
not up the rallen but pulls down the erect, stalks majestically where 



24 



vice holds its sway, but cringes in honorable discussion, for thrift talks 
loudly at elections and starves in the intervals, contemptible in and of 
itself, but great as the organ of the ignoble army of strikers, be ready, 
gods, with all your thunderbolts, dash it to pieces. 



II. — Political Parties. - 

Another cause of anxiety to the patriot is that blind love of and 
adherence to party, which is so prevalent. Perhaps the attempt to 
maintain the proposition that in countries where the popular will rules, 
political parties are not necessary, would meet with but indifferent 
success. It may be that they could be so organized and managed that 
they would not be inimical to the cause of liberty. But in that case 
two things would seem to be necessary. 

First. — Their doctrines should be sound, unselfish and patriotic, 
and these doctrines should be adhered to in practice. 

Second. — They should adhere to the principles of the Constitution, 
and imitate as closely as may be, the practices of the founders of the 
government. 

But have not the parties drifted from these doctrines.'' Have they 
not in some instances run counter to the principles of the Constitution, 
and, yielding to that tendency of all human organizations, whether 
social, religious or political, centralized in themselves powers not 
authorized by the Constitution, and practices never contemplated by 
its framers. In illustration, consider the manner of electing the 
President of the United States, as laid down in the Constitution, as 
practised in the early days of the Republic, and as now managed. We 
assert with confidence that the founders of the government never in- 
tended that the office of President should be a prize for the contention 
of political parties. It was removed from the direct vote of the peo- 
ple, shielded from the passions and prejudices of party by the inter- 
position of a barrier, known as electors. Through this medium 
popular views were to be refined ami enlarged, popular prejudices 
rectified, passions cooled and the result shaped for the public 
good. It was designed that these electors should stand as a bul- 
wark, beyond which the contending factions could not go. Between 
them and the presidential office no party passions should intrude, 
and they, wiiiiout bias save for the good o| the v\hole, without 



25 



prejudice save for the interests of the republic, should elect the Presi- 
dent. The people in the several States were to Chose the electors, and 
they cast their votes within the bounds of their own State. This dis- 
persed situation quite eifectually prevented combination, intrigue and 
corruption. But of what advantage is this provision if a party con- 
vention is permitted to usurp the duties of the electors, and subject 
itself to the evils from which they were shielded ? Under such a reg- 
ulation it might well be that the public voice would be more con- 
sonant to the public good than if pronounced by the people them- 
selves. 

But what is the actual condition to which we are brought upon this 
subject by parties .'' The guards of the Constitution are practically 
thrown down, the electors are made mere puppets of party conven- 
tions, pledged to vote for the man designated. The exercise of an in- 
dependent judgment by the elector, "would be treated as a political 
usurpation, dishonorable to the individual and a fraud upon his con- 
stituents." In the actual working of party machinery, the electors are 
absolutely useless, and many people cannot understand why such a 
scheme was provided, as it often obstructs their will by electing a 
President not of their choice. 

We may safely assert that whatever is in the Constitution was de- 
signed for a good purpose, and if it has become useless, we may be sure 
that we have drifted from our true course. The fault is in ourselves, 
not in that instrument. The early practice in this matter shows what 
the first interpretation of this part of the Constitution was. Previous 
to 1804, there was no attempt to go beyond the wording of the Con- 
stitution. The people of the several States chose their electors and 
left them free to elect a President. Then the partisan representatives 
in Congress met in caucus and assumed to name a candidate. This 
innovation grew into a practice, which continued until May, 1832, 
when a convention was held in Baltimore. But at no time, from the 
organization of the government up to 1836, were the electors con- 
sidered bound in the slightest degree by such nomination, whether 
made by Congressional caucus or party convention. Their duty 
was considered too responsible and the result too momentous to be 
interfered with. But the modest assumption of a caucus has grown 
until conventions bestride the country like Colossi, and the petty 
electors creep under their huge legs to find themselves dishonorable 
graves. It is this drifting away from constitulional guidance, slow'y 



26 



and almost imperceptibly, but none the less fatally, which the won- 
derful foresight of Washington comprehended and led him to deplore 
the existence of parties in a republic. Look at the practical result. 
From the inauguration in 1789, to the first party convention in 1832, 
is forty-three years. From 1632 to 1876 is forty-four years. Previous 
to 1832 the electors in the constitutional way chose the President. 
Since 1832 party conventions, in a way not provided in the Consti- 
tution, have chosen the President. We have had an equal experience 
with each system and what shall we say ? From the electors we had 
Washington, the two Adams'. Jefferson, Madison, Monroe and 
Jackson. From party conventions we have had Van Buren, Harri- 
son, Polk, Taylor, Pierce, Buchanan, Lincoln and Grant. Some of 
these proved themselves worthy of the seat of Washington, but con- 
sider the list under the old constitutional system, and the list under 
the new partv system, and choose between them. I challenge your 
attention to this fact in justification of the old and in condemnation 
of the new. Every man elected before 1840, had, before his election, 
shown himself to be a statesman ; with very few exceptions, the men 
chosen since have not, previous to their election, shown themselves 
to be statesmen. Availability is more looked for than capability. 

Another danger to be apprehended from political parties, is the 
fact that a comparative few shape their destiny, establish their creed, 
map out their policy, and use them as instruments of rewards and 
punishments. The masses blindly adhere to the faith of the few, 
they run where directed, they dance when the leaders pipe. When 
they are bold enough to exercise their own judgment, and, of course, 
refuse to obey the commands of their selfish leaders, bold and un- 
scrupulous intrigue seizes the first occasion to make them the instru- 
ments of their own subjugation. Perhaps I cannot point to a clearer 
or sadder illustration of the power of the few over the many than the 
recent rebellion. The people of the south were averse to secession. 
The leaders were determined upon that course. By their skill and 
intrigue they controlled the conventions and plunged the country 
into war. If these few were always pure, patriotic, self-denying men, 
ambitious only to serve their country in its highest and best interests, 
the objection to their rule could not be urged so forcibly. But they 
are not always such men. Sometimes, at least, they are selfish, cor- 
rupt, ambitious to serve themselves at the expense of their country. 
Should such men be i)ermitted to shape the course of a party, and 



27 



through it the destinies of the country ? Is it not time for the people 
to assert their rights and criticize the creed which these self-appointed 
leaders, through resolutions and platforms, make for the party ? Is it 
not also a duty they owe to their own manhood, and to their country, 
to criticize the qualifications of candidates, and if they find them unfit, 
unreliable or dangerous, to vote against them. ]^y what other course 
are we to preserve our institutions when placed in jeopardy ? To 
nominate a man for office only because he has been a good party 
man, worked and schemed for its success, is an insult to men of 
intelligence. It marks a low appreciation of our duty to our 
country. 

A few days ago a morning paper published a sketch of one of the 
then probable candidates for the Presidency. This was the estimate : 
"He has originated no good measure; he has supported no principle; 
he is identified with no reform. But he has never bolted a party nomi- 
nation; never failed in obedience to a party caucus and has been found 
ready in each party crisis with a party speech. * * He has * * 
done much to make party government easier ; he has done nothing 
to make the government better, more economical or more eflicient.'' 

What a catalogue of virtues to recommend their possessor to the 
suffrages of the American people ! How does it read along side of 
the catechism .'' "Is he honest } Is he faithful.? Is he capable V 

True, in the present party discipline, the unpardonable sin is to 
disclaim a nomination no matter how unfit, no matter by what means 
obtained. Against such domination it is manly to be men. You 
are as good and free as those demagogues, pretending to infallibility. 
Tell them that you make officials in this country. They depend on 
you, not you upon them. It is time for us to act upon this princi- 
ple ; love of party should always be subordinate to love of country; 
and if unfit men are nominated for office, such action is not binding. 
All parties profess to be, and should act as if they were organized to 
subserve the best interests of the country." If ihis great central fact is 
forgotten or neglected, teach them by salutary defeat, at the' polls, 
that the only solid basis upon which parties can exist in a free coun- 
try, without danger to its institutions, is an unselfish devotion to the 
greatest good of the whole people. If they will build up on any 
other foundation, then down with parties, and away witli their creeds, 
if only by so doing the republic may live. 



28 

III. — Corruption. 

The saddest sign of the times is the corruption which prevails 
to such an extent in the land. No reference is made to the dis- 
honesty so prevalent in business and stations of trust, but to political 
corruption. 

As a fact, in our system, there is no hereditary right to rule, no place 
belonging to a family from generation to generation. All have an 
even start in the great race of life, and in this respect, at least, the 
declaration that all men are created free and equal, is true — free to 
carve out their own destiny without hindrance by the stumbling blocks 
of hereditary political rights. The government being one of order, 
it is not by revolution, but through the ballot box that administrations 
are changed, that political parties rise and fall. By the quiet ballot 
which should always be the unbought expression of an intelligent 
freeman's will, the great, the good, the learned, the virtuous, may be 
hurled from power, and the low, the corrupt, the ignorant and the 
vicious, exalted. Ill fares the land where the sovereign is ignorant, 
vicious or corrupt. In our government the people are sovereign, 
what then should the people be ? 

First. — They should have a clear knowledge of the rights and duties 
of free citizenship, and, therefore, should be educated. "Under a gov- 
ernment where every man is a sovereign, the character and operations 
of that government cannot be too well or too universally understood. 
If danger threatens our civil institutions, it arises from a want of re- 
quisite information on the part of those who assume the duties and 
responsibilities of citizen electors, or actual participators in the ad- 
ministration of public aftairs." This education should be such that 
the public liberties will be safe in their hands. Whether the State, 
as was done in Sparta, should take their education under its control, 
is not necessary now to consider. Perhaps it never will be necessary, 
in view of the impulse which the subject has received in this country. 
But "this, at least, may be propounded with confidence, whatever that 
education may be, to what ^extent it may be carried, by whomsoever 
conducted, it should be in accord with our institutions. Each citizen 
should know that the small portion of his natural liberty surrendered 
by him to aid in forming the social compact, is insignificant when 
compared with the sum total sacrificed by others for his security. 
He should know something of the history of his country, else how 



29 



can he have a rational desire for its continuance ? How can he be 
prepared to defend his civil rights, or perform his civil duties, unless 
he knows what those rights and duties are? This much, at least, 
should be taught. As the law of the land could not be administered 
except on the presumption that every man knows what is commanded 
and what is prohibited, so universal suffrage is based on the presump- 
tion that every citizen knows his rights and his duties, and casts his 
vote understandingly. (8) 

Upon him devolve the duty and burden of maintaining this Republic. 
How can he perform that duty and why should he bear that burden, 
if he knows nothing of its history, of its struggle for freedom, of the 
influences which shaped its institutions; if beyond his immediate 
home, his country is to him an unknown land.? He is a guardian of 
the laws, a maker of the laws, one of the sovereigns, holding in his 
hand, for good or evil, the destinies of the country. A State must 
be in danger where such powers repose in the hands of ignorance. 
In Sparta, if any man withheld his son from the care of the State, he 
forfeited his civil rights. He was denied participation in its councils 
and privileges. This was on the presumption that he was an enemy 
to his country, antagonistic to its interests, and, therefore, not to be 
trusted. Who will deny that every vote placed in the ballot box, in 
ignorance of its power, its import, its responsibilities, is a blind blow 
at our constitutional government and its perpetuity. Ignorance is an 
unsafe corner stone on which to rest the fabric of constitutional 
liberty. It is better fitted for the structures of oriental or mediaeval 
despotism. It is the domain where the daring imposter rides into 
power, amid the hosannas of the multitude. It is in the field where 
the glozing demagogue reaps his richest harvest. We need not go 
outside of some of the States of this Union for examples, to show how 
ignorance of civil rights and duties is taken advantage of by the few, 
for the ruinous oppression of the people. What but the fear of outside 
influence prevents those few who hold the purse and the sword through 
the aid of ignorant and degraded voters from usurping the public 
liberties ? Let the ignorance which there exists become general and 
how far off" would the end be ? Liberty and ignorance are essentially 
antagonistic. They cannot for any length of time dwell together. 

(8) He who says education says government; to teach is to reign; the human 
brain is a sort of terrible wax that talces the stamp of good or of evil, according to 
whether an ideal touches it or a claw seizes it. — Victor Hugo, 



30 



Second. — They should know and appreciate the difference between 
liberty and license. As they are the fountain of sovereignty, so they 
should be they fountain of virtue. As they are the fountain of power, 
so they should be the fountain of patriotism. They should be a bul- 
wark against corruption, not the originators of it. This is no time for 
honied words. It is a sad fact that the dawn of the second century 
reveals discord in our councils, and sloth in our markets. But sad- 
der than these, sadder than war, pestilence or famine, is the patent 
fact that there is demoralization among certain classes of our people. 
The fountain sends out bitter water. With wealth have come luxury 
and vice ; with universal suffrage has come political corruption, with 
learning and refinement has come a drifting away from the simple, 
sublime faith of the fathers. Demagogues, that illegitimate outgrowth 
of popular governments, are everywhere abroad in the land, corrupt- 
ing the minds of the people, and purchasing offices which their virtues 
and abilities never could obtain. Let this condition of affairs take 
deeper root, let it spread through the rural districts as it now exists in 
many of our cities, and we may fear the warning of Seneca: " When 
vices are grown so general as to be the manners of the people, no 
remedy can be expected." Is it necessary to be more specific.'' Then 
consider the machinery of politics as worked in the thickly settled 
portions of our country, especially in cities, where the corrupt and the 
vicious by combination hold the balance of power. Delegates buy the 
votes necessary to secure their appointment to some convention. When 
elected they demand a consideration for their votes, giving them to 
the man who will pay the highest price. In some instances the dele- 
gates sell the nominations in gross, for a specified sum. It could 
hardly be more disgraceful if they should sell the nominations at pub- 
lic auction to the highest bidder, as the Praetorian cohorts at one 
time sold the Empire. The business on the part of the delegates has 
in tact been reduced to a system ; a committee is now appointed to 
wait upon candidates, with full power to execute all necessary deeds 
of bargain and sale. But a nomination is not the end of this wretched 
business. From that moment on to and until after election the foot- 
steps of the candidate are dogged, his place of business invaded, his 
house surrounded by these sovereign voters of the land, (whom some 
satirical rogue has called political strikers), demanding money for 
their votes. The luckless candidate might well use the language of 
Cato when mourning over the death of his son: " O happy day when 
I shall escape from this crowd, this heap of polution. " 



31 



Aristottle defined man as politikojt zoon. Lord Monboddo in his 
acute and learned work on the origin of languages, maintains that 
the horses in Tartary, the beavers in America and the monkeys in 
Africa are political animals^ and therefore Aristottle's definition of man 
fails to distinguish him from many of the quadrupeds. It seems not 
to have occurred to the astute lord, that the great -Stagyite possibly did 
not intend to distinguish them. The modern observer who studies 
the machinery of elections, will be puzzled to point out the diff"erence, 
either in conduct or utility, between the political beings of Aristottle 
and the political monkeys of Monboddo. 

We stand aghast at the misdeeds revealed in high places. But what 
is the corruption of a Belknap, but the outcropping of that which 
has imbedded itself in the substratum of our political society. The 
multitude are shouting, "Away with him, away with him ;" but 
many of that multitude will levy blackmail upon every candidate 
at the next election. Their pockets will grow plethoric with the 
dollars they coin out of the life of the Republic. Who shall protect 
the fold when the shepherd is a wolf.'' Who shall preserve liberty 
when its custodians sell it for gold ? Tell me, ye wretches, whoso- 
ever you are, who imitate your father, Esau, in that you sell your 
birth-right for a mess of pottage, where shall you stand if from the 
carcass of this Republic, a king shall rise to sit upon its ruins .'' You 
will be the first to cringe before his sceptre;, you will be slaves of 
titled lords. It will be a poor consolation for you in that day, to 
reflect that you basely coined into money the vote given to you for 
the preservation of the liberties and institutions of your country. The 
chain that you are forging, though it be of gold, will clank none the 
less loudly, it will bind none the less securely; it will gall none the 
less sorely. Not the man who buys you will suffer from the change, 
but you, who 

" Like the base Judean threw a pearl away, 
Richer than all his tribe." 

Were our liberties assailed by open and forcible usurpation, the 
people would rise as they did, when the guns of Fort Moultrie an- 
nounced the attempt of i86r. There is no ground for apprehension 
that our liberties will ever be overthrown by open usurpation or for- 
cible encroachment. That would be a daylight attack upon the 
strong side of our citadel. But there is an enemy that comes upon 
us as a thief in the night. Its work is done while we sleep. It is the 



32 



same that has been the eternal foe of liberty, the corruption of the 
people; the unbridled, unrestrained and licentious abuse of his rights 
and priveliges by the citizen himself Be not flattered or deceived by 
personal or temporary success. Turning our backs upon a danger 
that threatens, will not avert the day of our doom. It is written in the 
code of the Everlasting that, when the liberties of the people are 
abused and debauched, the Stale retrogrades. 

There was an ancient law in Rome, by which everyone was author- 
ized to lift up his sword against the man who should manifest any 
designs against the public liberties. If that law were in force here, 
and if buying and selling votes, and corrupting the ballot-box can be 
considered a design against our public liberties, how many of our 
citizens would take an early departure for their long home in warmer 
climes; over which fact how'few mourners would go about the streets. 

The man who will sell his vote is unfit to have a vote ; but is fit to 
be a slave. Under no circumstances should he be entrusted with 
it, for he waits only for the opportunity to make merchandize of it, 
and thus contribute to the common ruin. The man who will buy a 
vote is unfit to be entrusted with public office, but is fit to be a tyrant. 
Under no circunstances should he be trusted, for he will usurp power 
when it is no longer his interest to buy it. One moderately sure way 
to stop investments in this sort of merchandise is, for all honest men, 
without regard to party, to vote against the man who is so base as 
to invest one dollar to purchase his nomination or election. A few 
rebukes, in the shape of defeat and consequent loss of money invested, 
would have a tendency to make hirn a wiser if not a better man. 

Twoof the resolutions adopted by a recent convention in Michigan, 
have the true ring upon this subject : 

"3d. We repudiate the idea that candidates lave the right to 
manipulate conventions and thrust themselves into nomination.'' 

" 4th. That the use of money to influence elections is demoralizing 
to the people, and any candidate who will seek, by the use of money, 
to influence nominations or elections is unworthy of support." 

How strangely these tw^o resolutions would sound in the average 
convention in Hudson County. How the politicians would smile, a 
ghastly smile, to hear them read. The mover would be looked upon 
as an estray from some neighboring lunatic asylum, or some old fossil 
of another age, who had forgotten to die at the proper time. 

To (lav, in the City of Philadelphia, people from all civilized na- 



lions are gathered to view tlie products of various countries, and 
especially to see those wliich our }oung Republic can exhibit. The 
progress we have made in every branch of productive industry, in art, 
in science, in invention, in every department where human power 
and skill have achieved their triumplis, and which reflect honor upon 
civilization, is no doubt amazing. We have a just pride in such a grand 
exhibition. But the measure of a nation's true progress and greatness 
is not alone in her armies and navies, but also in the severer virtues, 
truth, honor, integrity, industry and patriotism. These make the indi- 
vidual a true man, fearing God, respecting himself, doing wrong to 
none, acting justly to all. The production which I have held up 
for your condemnation will not be on exhibition there. It is not 
evidence of our piugrcss. It marks rur decay, and, write it down, 
as certain as God is true, if continued will bring ruin upon the coun- 
try. We must go back nearer to the stern virtues of the fathers if 
our liberties are to be secure. Voters must use their privileges for 
the good of the country, not for pelf Offices must be filled by those 
whom the people call upon because of their merits, not by those who 
spend money to corrupt delegates and voters. 

The fact that popular governments have thus f.ir in history been 
short-lived, should make us the more vigilant. Once dead,, dead 
forever. "When, in what age, in what clime have the ruins of con- 
stitutional governments renewed their youth and regained their lost 
estate.'' By whose grip has the corpse of a Republic ever been re- 
surrected.? The merciful Master who walked upon the waters, and 
bade the winds be still, left no ordained apostles with power to wrench 
apart the jaws of national death and release the victims of despotism. 
Wherever in the wide domain of human conduct, a people once 
possessed of liberty, with all power in their own hands, have surren- 
dered these great gifts, * * * i\^Qy h^ve never afterward proved 
themselves worthy to regain their forfeited treasure." 

Self examination is more profitable than self laudation. If we find 
symptons of the same causes which worked the dissolution of the old 
Republics, we ought to know that the lime for reformation or Cx-sar 
has come. The dissolution of republican Rome kept pace with a 
growing tendency, to regard the state as property to be appropriated 
to individual aggrandizement. Political power and individual wealth 
were acquired by. just such rings as are constantly forming in this 
country. Virtue having become impotent and vice holding the bal- 



84 



ance of power, unprincipled men witli their hired retainers were the 
tools of either party until they became the masters of both. Parties 
abandoned principle for policy, and catered to the rogues they ought 
to have hung. Duties were left unperformed and offices were bartered 
for gold. Good men were thrown aside and bad men ruled. The 
people banished Cicero from the Rome he had saved, at the dictation 
and for the money of a wretch like Clodius. 

I have already detained you too long, but suffer me a few more 
words. Though there are many things that exist which we consider 
evils, perhaps, they are inseparable from human nature and human 
government. Our philosophy will enable us to endure conditions 
which we did not bring about, and may not be able to change. 
Though we may not have all things lo our liking, though sometimes 
doubt and gloom settle upon our hearts, it is not a part of our duty 
to yield to despair. In spite of all, we are permitted to hope for the 
perpetuity of our free institutions. 

One century gone ! Behind us in our national march it lies. Over 
the scars which it bears let us spread the mantle that covers all. 
From it let us draw the rich lessons which only the wise draw from 
experience. From it, its realizations and disappointments, we turn 
to the future. It is all before us, and providence is our guide. 

One of the early acts of Joshua after the wandering tribes had en- 
tered the promised land, was to execute one of the peculiar com- 
mands of his predecessor. That command was, when they should 
be brought into the land, they should put the curse upon Mount 
Ebal,and the blessing upon Mount Gerizim. This was faithfully carried 
out. In the presence of all Israel, with the ark of the covenant 
in the midst, Joshua read all the words of the law, the blessings 
and the cursings, and all the people said, Amen. 

Whatever militates against our prosperity, the perpetuity of our 
government and the sacredness of our Constitution, is our Mount 
Ebal. Upon it rest the curses of freemen, and let all the peopJe 
say, Amen. But the Constitution, the government as formed by our 
fathers, its administration as by them conducted ; everything that 
builds up, solidifies and perpetuates the blessings of liberty lo this 
great land, is our Mount Gerizim. Upon them rest the blessings 
of freemen, and let all the people say. Amen. 

There is no reason to expect that my voice will be heard o utside 
of this room, or that the busy world of politics and toil will be in- 



35 



fluenced by my opinions. But could that voice be heard and were 
those opinions worthy of consideration, I would say, virtue and intel- 
ligence being the only foundation on which a Republic can securely 
rest, strengthen the one, build up the other. Party success is not the 
prime good to the country, nor even to the party itself As Americans, 
subordinate everything to the common weal. Disseminate the im- 
portant truth that the Republic must be first, party and all other tempo- 
ral good last. If parties must exist, and must contend for the adminis- 
tration of the government, let their love of country stand out upon 
their banners and in their practices, as boldly and unmistakably as 
it did in the protestation of the captive Jews: " If I forget thee, O, 
Jerusalem, let my right hand forget; if I do not remember thee, let 
my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth; if I prefer not Jerusalem 
above my chief joy." Let those who desire office and those (perhaps 
better men) whom the people wish to accept office, resolve that they 
will not pay one dollar to secure a nomination, nor one dollar to 
secure an election. Let the system of corruption become odious, for 
laws are of no avail. Let us return to the purer and better practices 
of the purer and better days of the Republic. We will then have 
reason to indulge brighter hopes for its continuance. We will then 
have shown a disposition to do our part toward its preservation and 
placed ourselves in an attitude where we may reasonably expect a 
favorable answer to the prayer, in which, as we enter the untrodden 
path of the coming century, I am sure we can all unite: 

The Lord, our God, be with us as He was with our fathers: 
LET Him not leave us nor forsake us ! 



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